Prostitution and virtue in Victorian England: Josephine Butler and the Contagious Diseases Acts

One of the joys of being a woman in Victorian England must’ve been the multitude of people available to police your sex life–or as they’d have put it, your virtue. Let’s come at this by way of the reformers.

Victorian Britain had a glut of reformers and  philanthropists. The most stereotypical were upper class, religiously motivated, and full of zeal for improving the poor–their morality, their health, their smallest daily routines. Surely if the poor learned to manage better, to be better, they’d get over their distressing habit of earning so little money. 

High on the list of the poor they set out to improve were prostitutes, or fallen women if we want to use era-appropriate language.

For all the reformers’ superiority and cluelessness about why the poor were poor, what it took to live on so little, and why women engaged in prostitution, some of the reformers managed to do some good in the world. And occasionally, if you dig deep enough, you stumble over an upper-class reformer who broke through the limits their world imposed. Allow me to introduce you, friends, to Josephine Butler. She didn’t break out entirely, but she makes an interesting tale.

Irrelevant photo: hills in North Wales.

 

The inevitable background

Butler was born in 1828 into an upper-middle class family. Her parents were Church of England–in other words, they belonged to the respectable church–and abolitionists, but the sort of abolitionists who were related to and hobnobbed with lords and prime ministers. 

Okay, make that one prime minister, but how many does it take to impress you people anyway?

If your point of reference is the US–as mine still is, even after 18 years in the UK–I should explain that Britain’s upper-middle class is considerably more upper than the US version. In addition to hobnobbing a prime minister, this was the sort of family whose kids had horses and whose girls were educated at home, learning music and whatever else was suitable for young ladies. At 17 Butler (sorry–I’m using her married name although she was still single; it’s simpler) had a religious conversion, one that didn’t involve packing up and moving to a different religion but becoming more intense about the one she already belonged to. In other words, she drank her religion straight from then on, without ice or mixers, thanks.

She married George Butler, a classical scholar and a believer in women’s equality. Marrying him was an opportunity to get as close to higher education as a woman could, and in one of his letters before they married proposed “a perfectly equal union, with absolute freedom on both sides for personal initiative in thought and action.”

This was as good as it was going to get. This was a world where a woman’s property and earnings–if she had any–belonged to her husband, she had no legal standing apart from him, girls’ education was at best narrow and decorative, a lady was expected to stay at home and ever so genteely lose her mind, and a single woman was an object of pity and likely to be broke or dependent on some male relative or both.

Over the next few years, Butler and her husband had three kids and moved around a bit, landing after a while in Liverpool, where as a way to cope with the death of their only daughter she began a ministry (we’re back to that religious thing) to women imprisoned in the workhouse and to prostitutes working the street. 

You could argue–convincingly, I think–that prostitution was central to any understanding of the condition of women. A man’s sexual drive was thought to be pretty much ungovernable and a woman’s, or at least a lady’s to be nonexistent. Prostitution was seen as a way to keep the pressure cooker from exploding. And prostitution was one of the few ways a woman could earn money if the factories weren’t hiring. So this wasn’t some random choice on her part.

Still, I know: fallen women; Victorian lady healing herself by swooping in to minister to the unfortunates. She hadn’t broken the mold yet, but she did overflow it a bit by taking some of the most desperate women into her house, often to die. 

She also joined campaigns to open higher education to women, questioning the deeply embedded belief that women’s role–their natural and only role–was to be a wife and mother. Where, she asked, did that leave the two and a half million women for whom no husbands were available, since there weren’t enough men to go around? How were they supposed to support themselves?

 

The Contagious Diseases Acts

Let’s take a step to the side here and catch up with the Contagious Diseases Acts. I’ll get back to Butler in a minute. 

The first of the acts was passed in 1864 and grew out of public reaction to the British military’s underwhelming performance in the Crimean War and the Indian Rebellion. They’d been disorganized, undisciplined, and immoral, the public (or whatever passed for the public) had decided. Their ranks were filled with bachelors, which might (gasp, wheeze) lead them into homosexual activity, and the soldiers and sailors were riddled with venereal disease.  

Something had to be done, even if that something had nothing to do with anything. You’ve been around long enough to see that solution implemented more than once.

The something that got done was to pass a law focused on port and garrison towns and aimed at stopping the spread of venereal disease by forcing women who were suspected of prostitution to accept medical examinations. If a woman showed signs of infection, she could be sent to a lock hospital for three months. Anyone refusing to be examined faced six months in prison, with or without hard labor.

This was, remember, before penicillin. Syphilis was still being treated, ineffectively and toxically, with mercury.  So locking infected women away for three months during which no effective treatment was available?

Yeah.  

What about men with venereal diseases?  The thinking was that they might resist, so the law gave them a free pass. One prostitute who’d chosen to go to prison rather than submit to an examination told Butler that the judge who condemned her had paid her for sex just a few days before.

The law’s definition of a prostitute was vague and the plainclothes police who enforced the law, like ICE in the US today, didn’t have to offer evidence against a woman. If they stopped her, she could choose to go to prison or accept an invasive physical exam and sign a form registering her as a prostitute.

Can’t say she didn’t have a choice.

Later versions of the act extended it to more parts of the country and added that women who’d been registered had to be checked every two weeks for up to a year. The lock hospital detention was extended to six and then nine months. Women working in brothels had to have tickets signed and kept up to date, establishing that they’d been examined.

Predictably enough, it was poor and working class women who were detained. 

 

The campaign for repeal

Multiple organizations were formed to push for repeal. One of them, the National Anti-Contagious Diseases Acts Association (NA), excluded women. 

No, I don’t make this stuff up.

In response, the Ladies’ National Association for the Repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts (LNA) formed, and this is where Butler breaks out of the nice-lady savior mold. The NLA’s members were mostly upper- and middle-class women, but they collaborated with working-class women, with men, with prostitutes, and they invaded the all-male world of politics. In other words, they challenged the hell out of Victorian gender and class norms. Parliamentarians talked about it as a “revolt of women” and newspapers called them a “shrieking sisterhood.”  

In 1870 Butler became the leader of the NLA, a step that she and her husband both knew risked her respectability and his career. I can’t find anything that says his career did end up being damaged, but she was denounced in Parliament as “a woman who calls herself a lady” and “worse than the prostitutes.”  Philanthropy was one thing, after all, but she was out in the world speaking in public about sex. It just wasn’t done. 

She was a good speaker and seems to have been a speaking machine. In one year, she spoke at more than 100 public meetings and travelled something like 4,000 miles, addressing small groups and large ones, groups of women, groups of working class men. By licensing brothels, she argued, the state was profiting from women’s misery.

By returning detained women to their sinful lives, the government was making itself complicit with prostitution. 

This wasn’t a polite campaign or a safe one.  She spoke in a barn and someone set it on fire. Men smashed the windows of a hotel she was staying in, threatening to set it on fire. At one rally, pimps threw cow dung at her. At some point, a man asked,  “Can you ever reclaim prostitutes?” 

Prostitutes often asked her if men could be reclaimed, she answered.

A byelection came up where one candidate wanted to extend the law so it applied not just to prostitutes but to soldiers’ wives. The LNA seized on it, passing out leaflets, holding prayer meetings, hiding from angry crowds. 

The candidate lost.

But it wasn’t all agitprop and burnt barns. The LNA funded legal representation for women who were locked away and raised money to care for their children.

The repeal campaign ran for sixteen years. The acts were suspended in 1883 and repealed in 1886.

 

Hope Cottage

In 1885, Butler set up a non-sectarian house of rest in Winchester’s red light district. It was conceived as a contrast to the secure units churches set up to reform fallen women. 

Throw a few quotation marks into that last sentence, please. I’m using the language of the time, even though it gives me a rash.  

I’ve seen the place described as a faith hospital, as a place for the dying, as a refuge for women who were “friendless, betrayed and ruined, judged for one reason or another not quite suitable for other homes or refuges.” In its first year, it served more than 40 women. Butler’s husband–by this time ordained and a canon, which is a religious position, not something to fire at the enemy–preached there (informally, according to one website) on Sundays. Which means the place may have been non-sectarian but it wasn’t non-Christian. 

Addressing the economic roots of prostitution, women living there could earn money by making envelopes. Given how few ways a woman could earn money– Hell, it was better than nothing, although not by much.

 

A quick break here . . .

. . . to honor how murky life is. Butler wasn’t above making a distinction between prostitutes and, ahem, virtuous women. 

“The degradation of these poor unhappy women is not degradation for them alone,” she wrote; “it is a blow to the dignity of every virtuous woman too, it is dishonour done to me, it is the shaming of every woman in every country of the world.” 

So give her one point for solidarity and take one away for still being tangled in the spiderwebs of Victorian morality. And if we’re surprised, take a point away from us.

 

Enter Rebecca Jarrett and W.T. Stead

Somewhere along in here Butler met a former sex worker named Rebecca Jarrett, who’d kept a brothel dealing in virgins. Or that’s what one source says. What I’ve learned of the world tells me that most people only stay virgins for just so long, after which they mysteriously become not-virgins, so Jarrett’s trade was either a bit less limited or open to being sued for false advertising. 

But that’s neither here nor there. Jarrett had kept a brothel, had been saved by the Salvation Army, and moved into Hope Cottage. I’m tempted to ask for more quotation marks so I can spend them on the word saving, but Jarrett described herself as a “poor broken up drunken woman,” so maybe we should pocket the quotation marks so we can pull them out on some clearer occasion. Either way, Jarrett went on to help set up a second home, similar to Hope Cottage. And here’s where the story’s pace picks up.

W.T. Stead, editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, was running an expose on child sex trafficking and wanted to stage the buying of a child to demonstrate how easy it was. Butler put him in touch with Jarrett and they found a 13-year-old, Eliza Armstrong and paid her mother £2, promising £3 later on. That would be about £760 pounds today.  

Several sites say they took the child someplace safe–I’ll catch up with her story in a minute–and Stead published “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon.”

The Victorians didn’t do understatement. 

The article led to Jarrett and Stead being arrested but also to sensational headlines in the rest of the press. The trafficking of children was now in the public eye and within weeks Parliament raised the age of consent from 13 to 16. 

Did that mean Jarrett and Stead weren’t prosecuted? The hell it did. Because Eliza’s father hadn’t okayed Eliza’s sale–only her legally irrelevant mother had–Jarrent was imprisoned for six months and Stead for three. Butler defended them, writing to the Hampshire Chronicle, “Rebecca Jarrett, at my own urgent request . . . undertook some of the most difficult tasks connected with the recent exposure.” 

Butler wasn’t charged.

After her release, Jarret continued to work with prostitutes for a while, then spent the rest of her life “in the care” of Butler.

 

Eliza Armstrong

Traumatizing a kid didn’t seem to be a consideration in all this–you know, greater good and all that–but in talking about trauma I may be importing a theory that hadn’t formed yet. Jarrett took Eliza to a midwife/abortionist, who examined her and verified that she was a virgin. She sold Jarrett a bottle of chloroform and Jarrett took Eliza to a brothel, where she drugged her lightly. 

Stead then came in, playing the role of a man buying himself a virgin, and he waited for her to come to. When she did, she screamed, which apparently implied that he’d–as they said–had his way with her. Your guess is as good as mine here. 

She was then handed over to Bramwell Booth, a general in the Salvation Army, who took her to France and left her with a Salvation Army family.

After the trial, the prosecutor raised money for Eliza’s family, which paid for her to attend the Princess Louise Home for the Protection of Young Girls, where she was trained to work as a servant. She married twice, had ten children, and maintained a friendly correspondence with Stead. 

If you know a weirder story than that, leave it in the comments. 

 

Purity

In the 1870s, Butler’s speeches to young men began to focus on purity, personal morality, and the dangers of uncontrolled sexuality. It sounds prim and scolding, and–yeah, well, it is prim and scolding, but in a context where men could give almost free reign to their sexual impulses and women not only couldn’t follow theirs but were handed the consequences of and the blame for men’s–. 

Context, people. Context.

Butler wasn’t alone in calling on men to keep it buttoned up. The National Vigilance Association was headed down the same road, but when it began supporting the prosecution of prostitutes and brothel keepers, Butler set up a rival group, the Personal Rights Association, which warned against “Purity Societies,” calling them “stampers on vulnerable people.” 

Her later campaigning also focused on women in colonial India who were being forced into prostitution by the British army. So let’s give her back that point we took away earlier.

16 thoughts on “Prostitution and virtue in Victorian England: Josephine Butler and the Contagious Diseases Acts

  1. Ellen – what lingers after reading this is how Butler kept moving the moral centre of gravity from women’s bodies to state power – and then, further, to the quiet economics that make bodies negotiable in the first place. Her critique of the Contagious Diseases Acts wasn’t only about invasive exams; it was about the audacity of a legal regime that converted poverty into permanent stigma, deputising medicine to launder coercion into “hygiene.” That insight – police power dressed as public health – feels uncomfortably modern, and Butler’s shift from rescue to rights marks the hinge where philanthropy grows teeth and becomes politics.

    There’s also the awkward, human seam you name: she fought the double standard while still speaking the idiom of “virtuous women.” Rather than disqualifying her, it shows the usual route change takes – one foot planted in the prevailing grammar, the other testing new ground. Even her late scepticism toward purity crusades reads like a correction mid stride: yes to restraint as a personal ethic, no to morality as a cudgel or a pretext for new forms of surveillance – a line she drew more explicitly than some of her contemporaries in the social purity fold.

    Stead and the “Maiden Tribute” are the messy counterpoint: moral shock as policy accelerant, achieved through a theatre of harm that proved its point by reenacting it. The Criminal Law Amendment Act moved quickly; Eliza Armstrong paid the price for the proof. It’s the perennial dilemma of reform by scandal – does the method seed the very sensationalism and carceral habits one hopes to uproot? Butler’s willingness to defend Jarrett while warning, elsewhere, against “stampers on vulnerable people” suggests she knew how easily a cause curdles when it swaps care for spectacle.

    What feels most contemporary is Butler’s widening lens – Paris, India, the morals police – where she links regulation to a portable architecture of domination and, at times, slides into the racialised framings then in the air. Even that complexity is instructive: movements inherit the air they breathe, and part of the work is learning to exhale differently. The best of Butler’s legacy isn’t haloed purity; it’s the hard lesson that “protection” without consent is just control with nicer stationery – and that rights work must keep circling back to bread and butter alternatives so a woman’s “choice” is something sturdier than survival maths.

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  2. “The degradation of these poor unhappy women is not degradation for them alone, it is a blow to the dignity of every virtuous woman too, it is dishonour done to me, it is the shaming of every woman in every country of the world.”

    I’m not entirely sure that these words are as bad as interpreted and (especially if you remove ‘virtuous’ and note the final words) isn’t it true? The men who made prostitution possible were not shamed and nor were they penalised. Nothing much has changed. Any woman, anywhere, is potentially a whore, either because she actually makes her living that way or because she can be labelled as such by society. A woman who assumes the same freedom as a man is still seen as ‘unnatural’, ‘asking for it’ or unacceptably promiscuous. Granted, there are males who fall victim, too, but on the whole they don’t live under the same blanket threat.
    If she had been speaking of slavery, for instance, would it be seen to reflect on her in quite the same way? Slavery shames us all, whether we are for it or against it, because we are human.
    Maybe half a point?
    Jeannie

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    • I can’t disagree. In fact, I don’t even want to. I was moved by her statement that it was degrading to all women. It was the virtuous/not virtuous distinction that got me. But we all come from our times and places. We may shake off parts of our background but getting rid of all of it is more than most of us–maybe any of us–can do. I don’t mean to be dismissive of her for that, but I also don’t want to just wander past it and say nothing.

      Yeah. Half a point.

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      • I really don’t suppose that they knew very well how it happened and just didn’t want to acknowledge it… that would be far too cynical.
        A bit like Eve being too prone to evil to resist the serpent’s blandishments and poor Adam being the unhappy victim of a sinful woman. I never did get the difference in their ‘sin’ and degree of responsibility but then, I’m not one of the superior sex, so I can’t expect to understand.
        Jeannie

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  3. Here we are n the eve of 42 million people losing their food assistance…of curse if they weren’t poor in the first place…This has me so angry it is hard to comment. I rad a book last weekend “Separation of Church and Hate_ that addressed this – from an American point of view. Having it acknowledged helps a bit, but only in a feel-good way.

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  4. I found your recounting of the Contagious Diseases Act and the related moral and media crusades to be very engaging. It’s fascinating to look back at how earlier activist movements combined passion, principle, and at times flawed thinking, and then reflect on how some of those debates still resonate in today’s social and political discussions.

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    • I spend a lot of time thinking about something very like that, as a matter of fact. In hindsight, I’m sure their campaigns, for all their flaws, look clearer, more certain, and the activists maybe less terrifyingly overwhelmed. And yes, the same discussions and divisions.

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  5. Paul EHRLICH gave us Salvarsan. I think in 1912, surely before 1914. According to Oscar PANIZZA, a very angry (demi-)god gave mankind Syph, he simply did not like these creatures be happily lovemaking (“Das Liebeskonzil”).
    The reaction to all the not only Victorian, but European hypocrisy was the “Reformbewegung” – can’t say that it really “liberated” women from patriarchalic rules, the patriarch now was a hippy. Basically the same shit in new colours.
    Anyway, I can not say something about the history of these nightly trouble makers. But I can say that Ms BUTLER really was different ; she had not only the courage to think for herself, but she acted too, fully understanding that she became an outsider. Remarkable woman.

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    • Indeed.

      It’s interesting how many gestures at liberation really are patriarchy in new colors. I saw that first-hand in the late 60s and the 70s. It would make an interesting post but it falls outside my self-defined zone of interest.

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